肯尼迪总统 1963年国情咨文

1963年1月14日，肯尼迪总统在美国国会发布了本年的国情咨文，他汇报了美国于1963年所面临的国内外问题，并告知全国，未来世界局势依旧凶险，民众应当为此做好准备，并愿意联合包括苏联在内的世界各国共同应对危机。

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 88th Congress:

副总统先生，议长先生，第88届国会议员：

I congratulate you all--not merely on your electoral victory but on your selected role in history. For you and I are privileged to serve the great Republic in what could be the most decisive decade in its long history. The choices we make, for good or ill, may well shape the state of the Union for generations yet to come.

我祝贺各位——不仅祝各位赢得了选举，而且有机会名留青史。60年代可能会成为我国漫长历史中最重要的10年，而你我都有幸在此期间为我们伟大的共和国服务。我们做的选择，我们所塑造的美国，将造福或危害未来几代美国人。

Little more than 100 weeks ago I assumed the office of President of the United States. In seeking the help of the Congress and our countrymen, I pledged no easy answers. I pledged--and asked--only toil and dedication. These the Congress and the people have given in good measure. And today, having witnessed in recent months a heightened respect for our national purpose and power--having seen the courageous calm of a united people in a perilous hour-and having observed a steady improvement in the opportunities and well-being of our citizens--I can report to you that the state of this old but youthful Union, in the 175th year of its life, is good.

大约100个星期之前，我就职为美国总统。在请求国会与同胞们助我一臂之力时，我说过我们面临的难题不会轻松。我只说过——也要求大家为此付出辛勤努力。而国会和人民也积极响应。今天，我看到近几个月，我国目标稳步推进，国力稳步增长——我看到我国人民在危急时刻保持镇静，团结一致——我国人民的生活机遇和财富状况慢慢改善——我可以告知各位，我们历史悠久却依然年轻的联邦，在175岁之际，依然安康。

In the world beyond our borders, steady progress has been made in building a world of order. The people of West Berlin remain both free and secure. A settlement, though still precarious, has been reached in Laos. The spearpoint of aggression has been blunted in Viet-Nam. The end of agony may be in sight in the Congo. The doctrine of troika is dead. And, while danger continues, a deadly threat has been removed in Cuba.

在我国之外的世界各地，世界秩序正走向稳定。西柏林人民依然享有自由，依然平安无事。虽然老挝局势尚不明朗，但我们起码达成了共识。敌人在越南的进攻势头已然大大削弱。刚果恢复和平指日可待。三驾马车的时代已经结束。虽然古巴争议没能得到彻底解决，但我们已经度过了最危险的时期。

At home, the recession is behind us. Well over a million more men and women are working today than were working 2 years ago. The average factory workweek is once again more than 40 hours; our industries are turning out more goods than ever before; and more than half of the manufacturing capacity that lay silent and wasted 100 weeks ago is humming with activity.

在国内，经济停滞已经结束。现在的就业人数比两年前多了100多万。工作的平均工作时间再次超过了每周40个小时；我国工业产能再创新高；100周之前，我国超过一半的产能都处于荒废状态，现在这些产能已经释放。

In short, both at home and abroad, there may now be a temptation to relax. For the road has been long, the burden heavy, and the pace consistently urgent.

简而言之，现在国内外形势都相当不错。但前方依旧道阻且长，我们不能放慢脚步。

But we cannot be satisfied to rest here. This is the side of the hill, not the top. The mere absence of war is not peace. The mere absence of recession is not growth. We have made a beginning--but we have only begun.

我们不能安于现状。我们仍处于半山腰，距离山巅尚有路途。没有战争，不代表就巩固了和平。经济衰退结束，不代表就能蓬勃发展。我们确实开了个好头——这才仅仅是个开头。

Now the time has come to make the most of our gains--to translate the renewal of our national strength into the achievement of our national purpose.

现在，我们需要借助我们取得的成就——以复兴的国家力量实现我们的国家目标。

America has enjoyed 22 months of uninterrupted economic recovery. But recovery is not enough. If we are to prevail in the long run, we must expand the long-run strength of our economy. We must move along the path to a higher rate of growth and full employment.

美国的经济复苏已经连续22个月。但这还不够。如果我们希望取得最终胜利，我们就必须让经济实现长久发展。我们必须提高经济发展速度，让工者有其岗。

For this would mean tens of billions of dollars more each year in production, profits, wages, and public revenues. It would mean an end to the persistent slack which has kept our unemployment at or above 5 percent for 61 out of the past 62 months--and an end to the growing pressures for such restrictive measures as the 35-hour week, which alone could increase hourly labor costs by as much as 14 percent, start a new wage-price spiral of inflation, and undercut our efforts to compete with other nations.

这就意味着，我们每年的产出、利润、工薪和财政收入会增加几十亿美元。过去62个月里，我们有61个月的失业率都在5%以上，现在这一现象终于结束了——我们过去把工作时间限制在每周35小时，导致劳动力成本增加了15%，导致薪资和物价失衡，通货膨胀上升，削弱了我国的贸易竞争力，现在这一弊病也已经革除。

To achieve these greater gains, one step, above all, is essential--the enactment this year of a substantial reduction and revision in Federal income taxes.

为了更上一层楼，我们需要采取一个极为关键的措施——今年大幅下调联邦个人所得税率。

For it is increasingly clear--to those in Government, business, and labor who are responsible for our economy's success--that our obsolete tax system exerts too heavy a drag on private purchasing power, profits, and employment. Designed to check inflation in earlier years, it now checks growth instead. It discourages extra effort and risk. It distorts the use of resources. It invites recurrent recessions, depresses our Federal revenues, and causes chronic budget deficits.

因为大家有目共睹——想要经济发展，政府、企业和工人缺一不可——但我们陈旧的税收体系一直在压制着私企的购买力、利润和工作岗位。这部税法早先是遏制通货膨胀而设立，现在它已经遏制了我国经济发展。让我们付出了不必要的代价，承担了不必要的风险。扰乱了我们的资源利用。这有可能引发经济衰退，联邦收入缩水，造成长期性财政赤字。

Now, when the inflationary pressures of the war and the post-war years no longer threaten, and the dollar commands new respect-now, when no military crisis strains our resources--now is the time to act. We cannot afford to be timid or slow. For this is the most urgent task confronting the Congress in 1963.

现在，二战时期和战后时期困扰我国多年的通货膨胀问题已经解决，美元在全世界稳定流通——现在，我国无需为任何军事危机而倾注资源——所以，我们要趁热打铁。我们不能再唯唯诺诺地缓慢前行了。这就是1963年，国会所面临的头等大任。

In an early message, I shall propose a permanent reduction in tax rates which will lower liabilities by $13.5 billion. Of this, $11 billion results from reducing individual tax rates, which now range between 20 and 91 percent, to a more sensible range of 14 to 65 percent, with a split in the present first bracket. Two and one-half billion dollars results from reducing corporate tax rates, from 52 percent--which gives the Government today a majority interest in profits-to the permanent pre-Korean level of 47 percent. This is in addition to the more than $2 billion cut in corporate tax liabilities resulting from last year's investment credit and depreciation reform.

此前，我提议长期降低税率，总共减少135亿美元的税额。其中110亿美元将从个人所得税中减免，将税率从目前的20%—91%，降低到更加合理的14%—65%，并对税率表的最高收入额进一步细分。另外25亿美元将从企业税中减免，政府从企业税中获得了很多收入——但现在我们要将企业税从52%长期降为朝鲜战争前的47%。此外，我们去年的投资免税和折旧改革，还会给企业再减去20亿美元的负担。

To achieve this reduction within the limits of a manageable budgetary deficit, I urge: first, that these cuts be phased over 3 calendar years, beginning in 1963 with a cut of some $6 billion at annual rates; second, that these reductions be coupled with selected structural changes, beginning in 1964, which will broaden the tax base, end unfair or unnecessary preferences, remove or lighten certain hardships, and in the net offset some $3.5 billion of the revenue loss; and third, that budgetary receipts at the outset be increased by $1.5 billion a year, without any change in tax liabilities, by gradually shifting the tax payments of large corporations to a more current time schedule. This combined program, by increasing the amount of our national income, will in time result in still higher Federal revenues. It is a fiscally responsible program--the surest and the soundest way of achieving in time a balanced budget in a balanced full employment economy.

但我们实现这一切的前提，是确保财政赤字可控，所以我督促：第一，这些减税措施将在未来三年分批施行，从1963年先减税60亿美元；第二，1964年开始，这些减税措施必须和特定的结构性改革相辅相成，扩大计税基数，取消不公平不必要的特惠，取消或减少部分限制，抵消大约35亿美元的财政亏损；第三，在不改变上述减税措施的前提下，逐步将企业的税率降至接近国际标准，这样从今年开始，财政年收入将增加15亿美元。这一整套工程，在提高我国国民收入的同时，也能让联邦政府获得更多收入。这是一项负责的经济政策——以最稳健的方法让我国保持财政平衡，同时满足就业需求。

This net reduction in tax liabilities of $10 billion will increase the purchasing power of American families and business enterprises in every tax bracket, with greatest increase going to our low-income consumers. It will, in addition, encourage the initiative and risk-taking on which our free system depends--induce more investment, production, and capacity use--help provide the 2 million new jobs we need every year--and reinforce the American principle of additional reward for additional effort.

这次高达100亿美元的净减税，将会提高美国各收入层的人民和私企的购买力，大幅惠及我国低收入消费群体。此外，此次降税还能推动人民的积极性和冒险精神，这是自由制度赖以生存的精神——刺激投资，生产和效率——每年创造200万个新就业岗位，刚好满足我国需求——并进一步巩固美国多劳多得的理念。

I do not say that a measure for tax reduction and reform is the only way to achieve these goals.

我并不是说，减税和税改是实现我国目标的唯一途径。

--No doubt a massive increase in Federal spending could also create jobs and growth-but, in today's setting, private consumers, employers, and investors should be given a full opportunity first.

——毫无疑问，扩大联邦财政支出也能创造大量就业岗位，推动经济增长——但是在今天看来，应该先让私企消费者、私企所有者，以及投资者有充分机会，帮助推动国家经济发展。

--No doubt a temporary tax cut could provide a spur to our economy--but a long run problem compels a long-run solution.

——毫无疑问，临时降税能够刺激国家经济——但是长期困扰我国的问题，自然也需要长期方案才能解决。

--No doubt a reduction in either individual or corporation taxes alone would be of great help--but corporations need customers and job seekers need jobs.

——毫无疑问，无论是对于个人还是企业来说，降税都能大幅改善他们的购买力——但是企业需要顾客，失业者需要工作。

--No doubt tax reduction without reform would sound simpler and more attractive to many--but our growth is also hampered by a host of tax inequities and special preferences which have distorted the flow of investment.

——毫无疑问，只降税，不改革是更加简单、许多人更倾向的做法——但是不平等的税法和特惠已经严重扰乱了我国投资流向，进而阻碍了我国经济发展。

--And, finally, there are no doubt some who would prefer to put off a tax cut in the hope that ultimately an end to the cold war would make possible an equivalent cut in expenditures-but that end is not in view and to wait for it would be costly and self-defeating.

——最后，毫无疑问，有些人希望先不要急着降税，他们认为，说不定冷战会彻底结束，到时候我们不降税，也能得到同等的收入——但冷战结束还遥遥无期，我们干等着只会付出更惨重的代价，是在坐以待毙。

In submitting a tax program which will, of course, temporarily increase the deficit but can ultimately end it--and in recognition of the need to control expenditures--I will shortly submit a fiscal 1964 administrative budget which, while allowing for needed rises in defense, space, and fixed interest charges, holds total expenditures for all other purposes below this year's level.

这份税法无疑会暂时导致我国财政赤字扩大，但是它最终会让我们实现财政盈余——我知道我们需要控制支出——我不久后变回上交1964财年的行政预算，虽然其中的国防开支、太空开支和固定利息额会上涨，但是其他方面的开支加起来，整体上还是低于今年的。

This requires the reduction or postponement of many desirable programs, the absorption of a large part of last year's Federal pay raise through personnel and other economies, the termination of certain installations and projects, and the substitution in several programs of private for public credit. But I am convinced that the enactment this year of tax reduction and tax reform overshadows all other domestic problems in this Congress. For we cannot for long lead the cause of peace and freedom, if we ever cease to set the pace here at home.

这就需要我们削减或者推迟许多计划项目，包括去年联邦通过人事调整和外汇的涨薪安排，终止部分项目工程，并且将部分公共信贷转为私人信贷。但我相信，今年的减税和税改法案，是国会面临的最主要问题。如果我们在国内继续止步不前，我们也不可能长久领导世界和平与自由世界。

Tax reduction alone, however, is not enough to strengthen our society, to provide opportunities for the four million Americans who are born every year, to improve the lives of 32 million Americans who live on the outskirts of poverty.

不过单靠减税，不足以推动我们的社会前进，不足以为每年400万美国新生儿创造机遇，不足以改善3200万美国人的贫困生活。

The quality of American life must keep pace with the quantity of American goods.

美国人民的生活质量，应该同美国货的质量一样好。

This country cannot afford to be materially rich and spiritually poor.

美国绝不能仅物质富足，却精神贫瘠。

Therefore, by holding down the budgetary cost of existing programs to keep within the limitations I have set, it is both possible and imperative to adopt other new measures that we cannot afford to postpone.

所以，我们需要将当前的项目预算压低到一定程度内，我已经说过，我们可以也必须采取新措施，我们不能一拖再拖了。

These measures are based on a series of fundamental premises, grouped under four related headings:

这些措施设施需要一定基础前提，可以分为四大类：

First, we need to strengthen our Nation by investing in our youth:

第一，我们需要大力投资青年：

--The future of any country which is dependent upon the will and wisdom of its citizens is damaged, and irreparably damaged, whenever any of its children is not educated to the full extent of his talent, from grade school through graduate school. Today, an estimated 4 out of every 10 students in the 5th grade will not even finish high school--and that is a waste we cannot afford.

——国家未来的取决于其公民的意志和智慧，如果一个国家各级学校的孩子无法得到良好教育，无法施展自己的才能，那么这个国家何谈未来。今天的五年级的学生中，大约每10个学生里就有4个会在中学毕业前辍学——这是令人痛心的浪费。

--In addition, there is no reason why one million young Americans, out of school and out of work, should all remain unwanted and often untrained on our city streets when their energies can be put to good use.

——此外，有一百万美国青年选择辍学，找不到工作，他们明明身强体壮，却因为不掌握相关技能，而在我们城市的街道上游走，无人问津，这种现象必须终结。

--Finally, the overseas success of our Peace Corps volunteers, most of them young men and women carrying skills and ideas to needy people, suggests the merit of a similar corps serving our own community needs: in mental hospitals, on Indian reservations, in centers for the aged or for young delinquents, in schools for the illiterate or the handicapped. As the idealism of our youth has served world peace, so can it serve the domestic tranquility.

——最后，我国派遣至海外的和平队志愿者们取得了辉煌成就，他们多数都是青年男女，有能力也有意愿去帮助不幸的人民，我们国内也应该成立一支类似队伍，服务国内社区需求：前往精神病院、印第安人保留地、养老院、未成年管教所、文盲学校和残疾人学校。既然我国青年心怀远大理想，能够献身世界和平事业，那么也一定能够献身国内安宁事业。

Second, we need to strengthen our Nation by safeguarding its health:

第二，我们需要改善国家卫生情况：

--Our working men and women, instead of being forced to beg for help from public charity once they are old and ill, should start contributing now to their own retirement health program through the Social Security System.

——现在，我们的劳动人民应该以社会保障体系，通过交社保来为自己退休后的健康项目做出贡献，而不是等年长生病了，再去祈求公共慈善救助。

--Moreover, all our miracles of medical research will count for little if we cannot reverse the growing nationwide shortage of doctors, dentists, and nurses, and the widespread shortages of nursing homes and modern urban hospital facilities. Merely to keep the present ratio of doctors and dentists from declining any further, we must over the next 10 years increase the capacity of our medical schools by 50 percent and our dental schools by 100 percent.

——此外，我们全国范围内都缺少医生、牙医和忽视，还缺少疗养院和现代医院设施，这种缺口还在进一步扩大，如果我们不能填补上这些缺口，那么我国医药研究取得再大成就也无济于事。单单是不让我国的医生、牙医缺口进一步扩大，我们就需要在未来10年里，让医学院培养医生的效率提高50%，培养牙医的效率提高100%。

--Finally, and of deep concern, I believe that the abandonment of the mentally ill and the mentally retarded to the grim mercy of custodial institutions too often inflicts on them and on their families a needless cruelty which this Nation should not endure. The incidence of mental retardation in this country is three times as high as that of Sweden, for example--and that figure can and must be reduced.

——最后，这是一个大家密切关注的问题，我认为，把精神疾病和智力障碍患者直接扔进病院里关押起来，任他们自生自灭，无论是对于患者还是患者家属来说，这种做法都太过残忍，我国不应该容忍这种现象存在。我国智力障碍发病率较高，比方说，是瑞典的三倍——我们必须将这一数字降下来。

Third, we need to strengthen our Nation by protecting the basic rights of its citizens:

第三，我们想要国家强盛，就需要保护我国公民的基本权利：

--The right to competent counsel must be assured to every man accused of crime in Federal court, regardless of his means.

——任何情况下，都必须确保任何遭到犯罪质控的人，在出席法庭时都能有称职的律师为他辩护。

--And the most precious and powerful right in the world, the right to vote in a free American election, must not be denied to any citizen on grounds of his race or color. I wish that all qualified Americans permitted to vote were willing to vote, but surely in this centennial year of Emancipation all those who are willing to vote should always be permitted.

——世界上最宝贵最强大的权利，就是美国人民在自由选举中的投票权，这份权利绝不允许因种族或肤色而遭到剥夺。我当然希望所有可以投票的美国公民都主动参与投票，但是在《解放奴隶宣言》发布一百周年之际，我们也应该确保所有希望投票的美国公民，都可以投票。

Fourth, we need to strengthen our Nation by making the best and the most economical use of its resources and facilities:

第四，我们需要最大程度地利用资源和设施，推动国家经济发展：

--Our economic health depends on healthy transportation arteries; and I believe the way to a more modern, economical choice of national transportation service is through increased competition and decreased regulation. Local mass transit, faring even worse, is as essential a community service as hospitals and highways. Nearly three-fourths of our citizens live in urban areas, which occupy only 2 percent of our land-and if local transit is to survive and relieve the congestion of these cities, it needs Federal stimulation and assistance.

——我国经济稳健，依赖于良好的交通系统；我认为，想要打造现代化程度更高、更加节省开销的国家交通系统，就需要鼓励竞争，减少监管力度。地区交通服务和医院、公路一样重要，但是情况却更加糟糕。我国将近四分之三的公民都生活在城市地区，但是城市面积只占我国领土面积的2%，如果地区交通系统想要振兴起来，帮助舒缓城市的拥挤问题，那么就需要来自联邦的资助。

--Next, this Government is in the storage and stockpile business to the melancholy tune of more than $ 16 billion. We must continue to support farm income, but we should not pile more farm surpluses on top of the $7.5 billion we already own. We must maintain a stockpile of strategic materials, but the $8.5 billion we have acquired--for reasons both good and bad--is much more than we need; and we should be empowered to dispose of the excess in ways which will not cause market disruption.

——接下来，本届政府的储蓄和库存达到了惊人的160多亿美元。我们当然需要继续提高农业收入，但是我们必须把农业盈余控制在当前的75亿美元之内。我们必须维持庞大的战略储备，但是我们通过或好或坏的原因而获得的另外85亿美元——也远超我们的实际需求；国会应当授权我们处理掉这些多余的收入，以免它们扰乱市场。

--Finally, our already overcrowded national parks and recreation areas will have twice as many visitors 10 years from now as they do today. If we do not plan today for the future growth of these and other great natural assets--not only parks and forests but wildlife and wilderness preserves, and water projects of all kinds--our children and their children will be poorer in every sense of the word.

——最后，我们的国家公园已经过于拥挤，而娱乐场合的游客流量相较于10年前已经翻倍。我们现在应该提前规划，未来国家资产的发展问题——不仅是公园和森林，还有野生动物和意外保护区，以及各类水源工程——否则从各种意义上来说，我们的子孙后代都将生活在一个更加贫瘠的世界。

These are not domestic concerns alone. For upon our achievement of greater vitality and strength here at home hang our fate and future in the world: our ability to sustain and supply the security of free men and nations, our ability to command their respect for our leadership, our ability to expand our trade without threat to our balance of payments, and our ability to adjust to the changing demands of cold war competition and challenge.

我们面临的不仅仅有国内问题。我们在国内是否能再创辉煌，是否能发挥活力，取决于我国在国际舞台上的未来和命运：我们是否有能力保护自由国家和自由人民，我们是否能让他们心服口服地接受我们的领导，我们是否能在保持贸易平衡的情况扩大贸易规模，我们是否能在冷战时代风起云涌的竞争和危机中，灵活应变。

We shall be judged more by what we do at home than by what we preach abroad. Nothing we could do to help the developing countries would help them half as much as a booming U.S. economy. And nothing our opponents could do to encourage their own ambitions would encourage them half as much as a chronic lagging U.S. economy. These domestic tasks do not divert energy from our security--they provide the very foundation for freedom's survival and success,

世人评价我们，更多会看我们在国内怎么做，而不是我们在国际舞台上怎么说。我们为发展中国家所做的一切，都没能帮助他们的经济变得有美国一半繁荣。我们的对手再怎么鼓励积极性，他们的经济发展水平也长期达不到美国的一半。我们国内任务重重，但不能忽视国防问题——国防是我们自由事业存续且取得最终胜利的基础。

Turning to the world outside, it was only a few years ago--in Southeast Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe, Latin America, even outer space--that communism sought to convey the image of a unified, confident, and expanding empire, closing in on a sluggish America and a free world in disarray. But few people would hold to that picture today.

我们将目光转向国际社会，就在几年前——共产阵营还在东南亚、非洲、东欧、拉丁美洲甚至外太空高歌猛进——他们表现出团结一致、信心满满的景象，其势力范围迅速扩张，而美国和自由世界则疲软不堪、一团乱麻，仿佛行将就木。但今天的世界已经都不一样。

In these past months we have reaffirmed the scientific and military superiority of freedom. We have doubled our efforts in space, to assure us of being first in the future. We have undertaken the most far-reaching defense improvements in the peacetime history of this country. And we have maintained the frontiers of freedom from Viet-Nam to West Berlin.

近几个月，我们已经证明，自由世界在科学领域和军事领域皆处于领先地位。我们开足马力进军深空，确保我国率先迈入未来时代。我们对国防系统进行了改革，这是我国有史以来在和平时期影响最为深远的改革。我们在越南和西柏林捍卫着自由世界的边疆。

But complacency or self-congratulation can imperil our security as much as the weapons of tyranny. A moment of pause is not a promise of peace. Dangerous problems remain from Cuba to the South China Sea. The world's prognosis prescribes, in short, not a year's vacation for us, but a year of obligation and opportunity.

但我们不能骄傲自满，傲慢对我国安全的威胁程度，丝毫不亚于暴君的武器。短暂的停火不代表长久的和平。从古巴到南海，危机依然不断。简而言之，未来的国际局势恐怕不会给我们哪怕一年的静好岁月，每一年我们都需要履行职务，把握机遇。

Four special avenues of opportunity stand out: the Atlantic Alliance, the developing nations, the new Sino-Soviet difficulties, and the search for worldwide peace.

现在，我们面前有着四大机遇：大西洋联盟，发展中国家，中苏矛盾，还有探寻世界和平。

First, how fares the grand alliance? Free Europe is entering into a new phase of its long and brilliant history. The era of colonial expansion has passed; the era of national rivalries is fading; and a new era of interdependence and unity is taking shape. Defying the old prophecies of Marx, consenting to what no conqueror could ever compel, the free nations of Europe are moving toward a unity of purpose and power and policy in every sphere of activity.

第一，我们的大西洋联盟情况如何？自由欧洲拥有悠久璀璨的历史，现在他们将迈入新时期。殖民主义扩张时代已经是过去；国家竞争的时代已经终结；相互依存、团结一致的新时代正在形成。自由欧洲的走向，不同马克思在许多年前的预测，他们没有屈服于征服者强加的意志，他们正在各活动领域齐心协力，并肩前行。

For 17 years this movement has had our consistent support, both political and economic. Far from resenting the new Europe, we regard her as a welcome partner, not a rival. For the road to world peace and freedom is still long, and there are burdens which only full partners can share--in supporting the common defense, in expanding world trade, in aligning our balance of payments, in aiding the emergent nations, in concerting political and economic policies, and in welcoming to our common effort other industrialized nations, notably Japan, whose remarkable economic and political development of the 1950's permits it now to play on the world scene a major constructive role.

17年来，自由欧洲在我们政治和经济上的帮助下，不断向上发展。我们对此并不感到反感，我们不认为欧洲是我们的对手，恰恰相反，欧洲是我们的好伙伴，我们很乐于看到欧洲复兴。追求自由与世界和平的道路依然漫长，我们需要信得过的伙伴也一起分担困难——共同防御、拓展贸易、收支平衡、资助困难国家、协调政治经济政策，并且拉拢其他工业国家一起加入我们的事业，比如说日本，日本在20世纪50年代期间的经济政治都取得了巨大进步，现在已经有能力在国际舞台上发挥重要的积极作用。

No doubt differences of opinion will continue to get more attention than agreements on action, as Europe moves from independence to more formal interdependence. But these are honest differences among honorable associates--more real and frequent, in fact, among our Western European allies than between them and the United States. For the unity of freedom has never relied on uniformity of opinion. But the basic agreement of this alliance on fundamental issues continues.

诚然，随着欧洲从独立不断走向相互依存，美欧在采取行动时依然会有分歧，且这些分歧往往比我们的共识更加引人注目。但这些都是同事之间的诚实坦白——再者说，西欧同事之间的内部分歧，比他们跟美国的分歧更多更严重，他们不也达成了合作吗。自由国家之间的团结一致，从来都不是不允许异议。我们在根本问题上依然有着起码共识。

The first task of the alliance remains the common defense. Last month Prime Minister Macmillan and I laid plans for a new stage in our long cooperative effort, one which aims to assist in the wider task of framing a common nuclear defense for the whole alliance.

我们联邦的头等任务，就是共同防御。上个月，我和麦克米伦首相谈论了，我们该如何推动两国合作进入新阶段，以为我们的整个联盟提供核保护。

The Nassau agreement recognizes that the security of the West is indivisible, and so must be our defense. But it also recognizes that this is an alliance of proud and sovereign nations, and works best when we do not forget it. It recognizes further that the nuclear defense of the West is not a matter for the present nuclear powers alone--that France will be such a power in the future--and that ways must be found without increasing the hazards of nuclear diffusion, to increase the role of our other partners in planning, manning, and directing a truly multilateral nuclear force within an increasingly intimate NATO alliance. Finally, the Nassau agreement recognizes that nuclear defense is not enough, that the agreed NATO levels of conventional strength must be met, and that the alliance cannot afford to be in a position of having to answer every threat with nuclear weapons or nothing.

西方国家早在《拿骚协定》中就宣布了，我们彼此的安全不可分割，各国的国防也是如此。但条约也宣布，这个由自豪的主权国家组成的同盟，需要由我们悉心维护才能存续下去。条约也宣布，西方世界的核保护也不仅仅是我们两个核大国需要操心的事情——法国在未来也会成为核大国——北约各国的关系日渐亲密，我们要在不扩大核威胁的前提下，探寻新的途径，让联盟其他成员国也参与进我们的核武规划、核武操控与核武指挥。最后，《拿骚条约》还宣布了，仅靠核保护是不够的，北约各国必须建成条约中所指定的常规战斗部队，我们的联盟不能在遇到威胁时，只有核战争和投降两个选项。

We remain too near the Nassau decisions, and too far from their full realization, to know their place in history. But I believe that, for the first time, the door is open for the nuclear defense of the alliance to become a source of confidence, instead of a cause of contention.

我们才刚刚签订了《拿骚协定》，其内容化为现实的那一天还很遥远，我们不知道历史会如何评价该协定。但是我相信，核保护不会成为我们联盟的争议之源，而是信心之源。

The next most pressing concern of the alliance is our common economic goals of trade and growth. This Nation continues to be concerned about its balance-of-payments deficit, which, despite its decline, remains a stubborn and troublesome problem. We believe, moreover, that closer economic ties among all free nations are essential to prosperity and peace. And neither we nor the members of the European Common Market are so affluent that we can long afford to shelter high cost farms or factories from the winds of foreign competition, or to restrict the channels of trade with other nations of the free world. If the Common Market should move toward protectionism and restrictionism, it would undermine its, own basic principles. This Government means to use the authority conferred on it last year by the Congress to encourage trade expansion on both sides of the Atlantic and around the world.

我们联盟要关注的另一个重大问题，就是促进贸易和经济发展的共同目标。我国一直面临着财政赤字问题，尽管赤字正在下降，但是依然是令人头疼的顽疾。我们相信，只有自由国家之前加强经济联络，才能迈入和平盛世。无论是我们，还是欧洲共同市场各国，都没强大到可以长期保护本国农产品、工业品维持高价，不受外国市场影响，都没富裕到可以不跟自由世界的其他国家做生意。如果欧洲共同市场施行保护主义和限制主义，那么就是背弃了自己成立的基本理念。本届政府希望借助国会去年的授权，推动大西洋两岸的国家和全世界各国加强贸易联系。

Second, what of the developing and nonaligned nations? They were shocked by the Soviets' sudden and secret attempt to transform Cuba into a nuclear striking base-and by Communist China's arrogant invasion of India. They have been reassured by our prompt assistance to India, by our support through the United Nations of the Congo's unification, by our patient search for disarmament, and by the improvement in our treatment of citizens and visitors whose skins do not happen to be white. And as the older colonialism recedes, and the neocolonialism of the Communist powers stands out more starkly than ever, they realize more clearly that the issue in the world struggle is not communism versus capitalism, but coercion versus free choice.

第二，发展中国家的不结盟运动对我们有何帮助？苏联在毫无预警的情况下，试图秘密将古巴转化为一个巨型核打击基地——赤色中国对印度大打出手，这些事情震惊了其他发展中国家。但我们立刻对印度提供了支援，我们通过联合国机制帮助刚果统一，我们耐心地主张裁军谈判，我国改善有色人种公民和游客的待遇，这一切都让发展中国家感到安心。随着旧殖民主义退潮，反对殖民主义的共产阵营露出真面目，发展中国家清楚意识到，这场全球对抗的本质不是共产主义对抗资本主义，而是强行逼迫对抗自由选择。

They are beginning to realize that the longing for independence is the same the world over, whether it is the independence of West Berlin or Viet-Nam. They are beginning to realize that such independence runs athwart all Communist ambitions but is in keeping with our own--and that our approach to their diverse needs is resilient and resourceful, while the Communists are still relying on ancient doctrines and dogmas.

各国开始意识到，西柏林也好，越南也好，这都说明全世界同样渴望独立。各国开始意识到，民族独立不可能与共产主义理念兼容并蓄，但是恰好符合自由世界的理念——我们方法多样，灵活调整，实力雄厚，能够满足各国不同的需求，而共产阵营仍揪着过时的主义和教条不放。

Nevertheless it is hard for any nation to focus on an external or subversive threat to its independence when its energies are drained in daily combat with the forces of poverty and despair. It makes little sense for us to assail, in speeches and resolutions, the horrors of communism, to spend $50 billion a year to prevent its military advance-and then to begrudge spending, largely on American products, less than one-tenth of that amount to help other nations strengthen their independence and cure the social chaos in which communism always has thrived.

不过，如果一个国家被贫困和绝望搅得焦头烂额，它很难去长期警惕外国的颠覆活动，就很难维持自己的独立。我们发表各种言论，通过各种决议，斥资500亿美元阻止共产阵营的扩张——我们投入了那么多钱帮助外国捍卫独立，帮助他们革除社会弊病，防止共产阵营有机可乘，却在投资本国产品时抠抠搜搜，金额连对外援助的十分之一都不到，这有什么意义呢。

I am proud--and I think most Americans are proud--of a mutual defense and assistance program, evolved with bipartisan support in three administrations, which has, with all its recognized problems, contributed to the fact that not a single one of the nearly fifty U.N. members to gain independence since the Second World War has succumbed to Communist control.

我很自豪——我相信大多数美国人也都对我们的共同防御体系和对外援助项目感到自豪，这些政策得到连续三届政府的传承，得到了两党的支持，尽管存在问题，但是该政策使得二战以后独立的将近50个联合国成员国，没有一个被共产阵营征服。

I am proud of a program that has helped to arm and feed and clothe millions of people who live on the front lines of freedom.

我很自豪，该政策帮助了成百上千万生活在自由世界最前线的人民，让他们能吃饱穿暖，拿起武器。

I am especially proud that this country has put forward for the 60's a vast cooperative effort to achieve economic growth and social progress throughout the Americas-the Alliance for Progress.

我感到特别自豪，美国在60年代提出了一项惠及整个美洲的大规模经济发展和社会进步合作工程——美洲进步同盟。

I do not underestimate the difficulties that we face in this mutual effort among our close neighbors, but the free states of this hemisphere, working in close collaboration, have begun to make this alliance a living reality. Today it is feeding one out of every four school age children in Latin America an extra food ration from our farm surplus. It has distributed 1.5 million school books and is building 17,000 classrooms. It has helped resettle tens of thousands of farm families on land they can call their own. It is stimulating our good neighbors to more self-help and self-reform--fiscal, social, institutional, and land reforms. It is bringing new housing and hope, new health and dignity, to millions who were forgotten. The men and women of this hemisphere know that the alliance cannot succeed if it is only another name for United States handouts--that it can succeed only as the Latin American nations themselves devote their best effort to fulfilling its goals.

我不会低估我们同邻国在未来的合作中依然会面临困难，但是西半球的自由国家一直在紧密合作，美洲进步同盟不再只是一个构想。今天，拉丁美洲国家的每四个学校，就有一个学校的食堂由我们提供额外食物，通过该计划将我们的过剩粮食援助给其他国家爱。这一计划为分发了150万本课本，建造了17000座教室。该计划帮助上万个农民家庭获得了自己土地的所有权。该计划推动着我们的睦邻国家实现自救，在财政、社会、教育和土地方面实现自我改革。该计划还为成百上千万遭到忽视的人民改善了住房条件，为他们带来了新希望，让他们能身体健康，同时还能有尊严地生活。西半球人民明白，“美洲进步同盟”不能只是“美国对外援助”换一个名字——如果该计划想要成功，拉美国家自己也要全力以赴地向这些目标前进。

This story is the same in Africa, in the Middle East, and in Asia. Wherever nations are willing to help themselves, we stand ready to help them build new bulwarks of freedom. We are not purchasing votes for the cold war; we have gone to the aid of imperiled nations, neutrals and allies alike. What we do ask--and all that we ask--is that our help be used to best advantage, and that their own efforts not be diverted by needless quarrels with other independent nations.

在非洲、中东和亚洲，情况也是如此。任何国家只要希望实现自救，我们都愿意施以援手，帮助他们建设自由壁垒。我们这么做，不是希望争取他们在冷战中支持我们；受到威胁的国家、中立国和盟国，我们都会援助。我们希望——我们唯一的希望——就是我们的援助能最大化地帮助他们，就是他们能专注于自己的事务，不要同其他独立国家爆发不必要的争端。

Despite all its past achievements, the continued progress of the mutual assistance program requires a persistent discontent with present performance. We have been reorganizing this program to make it a more effective, efficient instrument--and that process will continue this year.

虽然我们已经取得了辉煌成就，但是我们不能自满，我们的互助项目还要更上一层楼。我们已经改革了项目，使之更加行而有效——今年，我们会继续前进。

But free world development will still be an uphill struggle. Government aid can only supplement the role of private investment, trade expansion, commodity stabilization, and, above all, internal self-improvement. The processes of growth are gradual--bearing fruit in a decade, not a day. Our successes will be neither quick nor dramatic. But if these programs were ever to be ended, our failures in a dozen countries would be sudden and certain.

但自由世界自身的发展依然艰难。政府援助的作用，对于私人投资、扩大贸易、商品稳定以及国内经济自我完善来说只是小修小补。经济发展的过程是渐进的。我们不可能在短时间内取得显著成绩。但如果我们放弃了这些政策，我们必定会在一瞬间失去十多个国家的支持。

Neither money nor technical assistance, however, can be our only weapon against poverty. In the end, the crucial effort is one of purpose, requiring the fuel of finance but also a torch of idealism. And nothing carries the spirit of this American idealism more effectively to the far corners of the earth than the American Peace Corps.

但我们对抗贫穷的武器，不能仅限于资金援助和技术援助。归根结底，这是一项考验决心的事业，它需要我们投入资金，也需要我们坚定理想。而美国理想的集大成者，就是遍布世界各个角落的美国和平队。

A year ago, less than 900 Peace Corps volunteers were on the job. A year from now they will number more than 9,000-men and women, aged 18 to 79, willing to give 2 years of their lives to helping people in other lands.

一年前，和平队志愿者只有不到900人。而今天，和平队的人数已经超过了9000人——下至18岁，上至79岁的男男女女，愿意献出自己生命中宝贵的两年时间，去帮助其他土地上的人民。

There are, in fact, nearly a million Americans serving their country and the cause of freedom in overseas posts, a record no other people can match. Surely those of us who stay at home should be glad to help indirectly; by supporting our aid programs; by opening our doors to foreign visitors and diplomats and students; and by proving, day by day, by deed as well as word, that we are a just and generous people.

现在有近100万美国人正在海外岗位为服务祖国，献身自由事业，这是其他国家人民都望尘莫及的。我们这些留在国内的人也可以间接帮助他国人民，我们应该欣然支持我们的对外援助项目；欢迎外国的游客、外交官和留学生前来美国；通过言行向世人证明我们民族的公正慷慨。

Third, what comfort can we take from the increasing strains and tensions within the Communist bloc? Here hope must be tempered with caution. For the Soviet-Chinese disagreement is over means, not ends. A dispute over how best to bury the free world is no grounds for Western rejoicing.

第三，共产阵营内部的分歧愈加严重，我们是否可以从中缓一口气？我们必须谨慎看待，因素中苏之间的分歧是道路之别，而不是目的之别。他们的分歧在于，怎么样才能更彻底地埋葬自由世界，我们对此可高兴不起来。

Nevertheless, while a strain is not a fracture, it is clear that the forces of diversity are at work inside the Communist camp, despite all the iron disciplines of regimentation and all the iron dogmatism's of ideology. Marx is proven wrong once again: for it is the closed Communist societies, not the free and open societies which carry within themselves the seeds of internal disintegration.

无论如何，虽然分歧不代表分裂，尽管共产阵营内部实行铁腕统治和严格管控，在意识形态上坚持教条主义，但他们之间确实存在不和。马克思在这方面又预测错了：会从内部瓦解的，不是开放的自由社会，二声部封闭的共产社会。

The disarray of the Communist empire has been heightened by two other formidable forces. One is the historical force of nationalism-and the yearning of all men to be free. The other is the gross inefficiency of their economies. For a closed society is not open to ideas of progress--and a police state finds that it cannot command the grain to grow.

共产集团还面临着两大敌人。一个是民族主义的历史浪潮——和全人类对自由的渴望。另一个是他们极其低效的经济体制。因为一个封闭的社会不愿接受进步的思想——一个警察国家可以命令一切，但是无法命令作物去生长。

New nations asked to choose between two competing systems need only compare conditions in East and West Germany, Eastern and Western Europe, North and South Viet-Nam. They need only compare the disillusionment of Communist Cuba with the promise of the Alliance for Progress. And all the world knows that no successful system builds a wall to keep its people in and freedom out--and the wall of shame dividing Berlin is a symbol of Communist failure.

新生国家要在两大政治制度之间做出选择，他们不仅需要对比东西德，东西欧，南北越南。我们还需要对比赤色古巴的破灭幻想，与美洲进步同盟的光明构想。全世界都知道，一个成功的国家，不可能建造一堵墙把自己的人民关在里面，阻挡自由进入——那面分裂柏林的可耻之墙，就是共产阵营失败最有力的证明。

Finally, what can we do to move from the present pause toward enduring peace? Again I would counsel caution. I foresee no spectacular reversal in Communist methods or goals. But if all these trends and developments can persuade the Soviet Union to walk the path of peace, then let her know that all free nations will journey with her. But until that choice is made, and until the world can develop a reliable system of international security, the free peoples have no choice but to keep their arms nearby.

最后，我们该如何将这场短暂的停火，转变成永久和平？我再次强调，我们需要谨慎。我并不认为共产阵营会放弃埋葬我们的目标和手段。但是如果世界浪潮和时代发展之下，苏联选择了和平道路，那么自由国家也愿意与苏联携手前行。不过在那之前，在世界构建起稳定的国际安全体系之前，自由国家必须手握钢枪。

This country, therefore, continues to require the best defense in the world--a defense which is suited to the sixties. This means, unfortunately, a rising defense budget-for there is no substitute for adequate defense, and no "bargain basement" way of achieving it. It means the expenditure of more than $15 billion this year on nuclear weapons systems alone, a sum which is about equal to the combined defense budgets of our European Allies.

所以我国会继续尽力维护世界和平——改革国防体系，使之适应60年代的需求。很不幸，这就意味着我们要提高国防预算——国防问题没有可代替的方案，也没有“廉价货商店”。这就意味着，今年我们仅一个核打击系统，就需要拨款150多亿美元的军费，这一数字几乎相当于我们欧洲盟国的军费总和。

But it also means improved air and missile defenses, improved civil defense, a strengthened anti-guerrilla capacity and, of prime importance, more powerful and flexible nonnuclear forces. For threats of massive retaliation may not deter piecemeal aggression-and a line of destroyers in a quarantine, or a division of well-equipped men on a border, may be more useful to our real security than the multiplication of awesome weapons beyond all rational need.

但这还意味着，我们需要改善防空系统和导弹防御体系，改善民防体系，增强反游击战能力，重中之重，我们要建设一支战力雄厚、快速灵活的常规军队。因为我们不可能靠大规模核反击来遏制敌人的逐步蚕食扩张——比起大家只要不发疯就不会动用大规模杀伤性武器，显然一支用于封锁的驱逐舰舰队，一支用于守卫边疆的装备精良陆军师，更保护我们的安全。

But our commitment to national safety is not a commitment to expand our military establishment indefinitely. We do not dismiss disarmament as merely an idle dream. For we believe that, in the end, it is the only way to assure the security of all without impairing the interests of any. Nor do we mistake honorable negotiation for appeasement. While we shall never weary in the defense of freedom, neither shall we ever abandon the pursuit of peace.

虽然我们要巩固国防事业，但不能以此为由让军队无限扩大。我们不认为，裁军事业只是白日做梦。我们相信，归根结底，如果想要不损害任何国家利益的同时，确保全体国家的安全，裁军就是唯一途径。但我们分得清什么叫谈判，什么叫绥靖。我们会誓死捍卫自由，但我们也绝不会放弃追求和平。

In this quest, the United Nations requires our full and continued support. Its value in serving the cause of peace has been shown anew in its role in the West New Guinea settlement, in its use as a forum for the Cuban crisis, and in its task of unification in the Congo. Today the United Nations is primarily the protector of the small and the weak, and a safety valve for the strong. Tomorrow it can form the framework for a world of law--a world in which no nation dictates the destiny of another, and in which the vast resources now devoted to destructive means will serve constructive ends.

在追求和平的道路上，我们需要长期全力支持联合国。在西新几内亚事务时，在调节古巴导弹危机时，在推动刚果统一时，联合国一次又一次证明了自身致力于捍卫和平。今天，联合国是世界上弱小国家的头号捍卫者，也是强大国家之间的安全阀门。未来，联合国将构建法治国际体系框架——从此，世界上任何国家都再也不会干涉他国的命运，人类现在用于建造武器的海量资源，将用于建设文明。

In short, let our adversaries choose. If they choose peaceful competition, they shall have it. If they come to realize that their ambitions cannot succeed--if they see their "wars of liberation" and subversion will ultimately fail--if they recognize that there is more security in accepting inspection than in permitting new nations to master the black arts of nuclear war--and if they are willing to turn their energies, as we are, to the great unfinished tasks of our own peoples--then, surely, the areas of agreement can be very wide indeed: a clear understanding about Berlin, stability in Southeast Asia, an end to nuclear testing, new checks on surprise or accidental attack, and, ultimately, general and complete disarmament.

简而言之，由我们的对手来抉择。他们选择和平竞争，我们就跟他们和平竞争。如果他们能意识到，他们的野心不可能实现——如果他们明白，自己的“解放战争”和颠覆活动必将以失败告终——如果他们承认，接受国际监察比让更多国家拥有核武器更加安全——如果他们愿意像我们这样，将精力用于改善本国人民的生活——那么，我们之间一定能再多方面达成共识：在柏林问题上，东南亚和平问题上，核试验问题上，预防偷袭和擦枪走火问题上，以及世界全面裁军问题上，都能取得共识。

For we seek not the worldwide victory of one nation or system but a worldwide victory of man. The modern globe is too small, its weapons are too destructive, and its disorders are too contagious to permit any other kind of victory.

我们寻求的是胜利，不是让一个国家或一种制度统治世界，而是全人类共同的胜利。在现代，地球村越来越小，武器的杀伤力越来越大，混乱犹如传染病扩散，想要取得胜利就必须先消灭它。

To achieve this end, the United States will continue to spend a greater portion of its national production than any other people in the free world. For 15 years no other free nation has demanded so much of itself. Through hot wars and cold, through recession and prosperity, through the ages of the atom and outer space, the American people have never faltered and their faith has never flagged. If at times our actions seem to make life difficult for others, it is only because history has made life difficult for us all.

为此，美国会继续投入大量资源，会投入比自由世界的任何其他国家都更多的资源。这15年来，从来没有哪个自由国家能像美国这样严格要求自己。美国人民经历过冷战和热战，经历过繁荣和萧条，经历过原子能时代和太空时代，我们的决心从未动摇，我们的信仰从未摇摆。如果有人认为，是我们的行动导致了他国人民生活艰难，那其实是历史导致全人类都生活艰难。

But difficult days need not be dark. I think these are proud and memorable days in the cause of peace and freedom. We are proud, for example, of Major Rudolf Anderson who gave his life over the island of Cuba. We salute Specialist James Allen Johnson who died on the border of South Korea. We pay honor to Sergeant Gerald Pendell who was killed in Viet-Nam. They are among the many who in this century, far from home, have died for our country. Our task now, and the task of all Americans is to live up to their commitment.

但是艰难时刻不代表黑暗。我相信，当前我们正推进和平与自由世界滚滚向前，这是值得我们骄傲和怀念的时光。我们对许多人感到骄傲，例如，牺牲在古巴上空的鲁道夫·安德森少校。我们向牺牲在韩国边境的詹姆斯·艾伦·约翰逊技术军士致敬。我们向牺牲在越南的杰拉尔德·彭德尔中士致敬。他们都象征着本世纪以来，所有远赴异域、为国牺牲的美国战士们。如今，我们的任务、全体美国人民的任务就是将他们的使命接力下去。

My friends: I close on a note of hope. We are not lulled by the momentary calm of the sea or the somewhat clearer skies above. We know the turbulence that lies below, and the storms that are beyond the horizon this year. But now the winds of change appear to be blowing more strongly than ever, in the world of communism as well as our own. For 175 years we have sailed with those winds at our back, and with the tides of human freedom in our favor. We steer our ship with hope, as Thomas Jefferson said, "leaving Fear astern."

我的朋友们：最后，我谈一谈未来的希望。我们不能因为海面暂时恢复平静或天空稍微放晴，就放松戒备。今年，我们知道海面之下暗流涌动，我们知道风暴正从远处天边袭来。无论对于共产世界还是自由世界来说，这次风暴都空前猛烈。但175年来，我们都是乘风破浪，推动人类自由事业发展。今天，我们依然要满怀希望地驾驶着这艘船继续前行，正如托马斯·杰斐逊所说，“将恐惧抛之脑后”。

Today we still welcome those winds of change--and we have every reason to believe that our tide is running strong. With thanks to Almighty God for seeing us through a perilous passage, we ask His help anew in guiding the "Good Ship Union."

今天，我们敢于直面变革之风——我们相信，我们的船会继续乘着这股风破浪。我们感恩全能的上帝在这场凶险航程中保佑着我们，我们祈求上帝继续指引这“坚船联邦”前进。

声明：本人仅按照原文翻译内容，演讲内容不代表本人观点。此专栏仅供历史和英语交流学习使用，任何读者皆可引用本人的译本。

希望来学习英语的观众明白：我觉得这些专栏的主要精华在于英语原文，而并非我的译本，我的译本很大程度上只是供来学习历史的观众使用的。本人的英语水平一般，翻译得并不会多么精彩，只能在你看不懂时来帮助你了解这些演讲内容最基本的意思，而且翻译时难免会出现差错，切勿直接完全以我的译本为标准。如发现有翻译错误或者歧义内容，欢迎指正。

希望来学习历史的观众明白：任何历史人物都有一定的局限性，随着时代发展，很多观点看法可能已经不再适用今天的世界，西方的观点也不一定适用于我们。通过了解这些演讲，仅可给我们提供一个更全面了解过去和世界的渠道。我们可以从优秀的历史、当代人物身上学到很多，但是请保持独立思考，理性看待演讲内容，切勿全信或将其奉为真理。