肯尼迪总统 《部分禁止核试验条约》签署的演讲

1963年7月26日，美国、苏联与英国签署《禁止在大气层、外层空间和水下进行核武器试验条约》(即《部分限制核试验条约》)，这是人类历史上首次签署有关禁止核试验的条约，并于多年后进一步改进，变成了我们今天的《全面禁止核试验条约》，肯尼迪总统就此向美国人民发表讲话，通报了这一好消息，告诫人民不要为此放松对战争的警惕，但同时也要坚定信念地继续追求和平。

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

晚上好，我的同胞们：

I speak to you tonight in a spirit of hope. Eighteen years ago the advent of nuclear weapons changed the course of the world as well as the war. Since that time, all mankind has been struggling to escape from the darkening prospect of mass destruction on earth. In an age when both sides have come to possess enough nuclear power to destroy the human race several times over, the world of communism and the world of free choice have been caught up in a vicious circle of conflicting ideology and interest. Each increase of tension has produced an increase of arms; each increase of arms has produced an increase of tension.

今晚，我有好消息要告诉大家。18年前，核武器的出现彻底改变了历史进程和战争形式。自那之后，全人类都努力渴望摆脱世界毁灭的黯淡命运。在我们这个时代，美苏两国手中都掌握着足以毁灭人类数次的核武器，共产世界和自由世界之间又在意识形态领域和利益方面针锋相对。每一次局势升级，两国都会增加更多军备；两国每次增加军备，局势又会升级。

In these years, the United States and the Soviet Union have frequently communicated suspicion and warnings to each other, but very rarely hope. Our representatives have met at the summit and at the brink; they have met in Washington and in Moscow; in Geneva and at the United Nations. But too often these meetings have produced only darkness, discord, or disillusion.

近几年来，美国和苏联常常相互猜疑，相互警告，但却很少向彼此传递自己对和平的期望。世界危在旦夕至极，两国代表在峰会上见面；在华盛顿、莫斯科；在日内瓦和联合国多次会晤。但是多数情况下，这里会晤都让我们更加绝望困惑。

Yesterday a shaft of light cut into the darkness. Negotiations were concluded in Moscow on a treaty to ban all nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water. For the first time, an agreement has been reached on bringing the forces of nuclear destruction under international control—a goal first sought in 1946 when Bernard Baruch presented a comprehensive control plan to the United Nations.

但昨天，一束光芒照亮了黑夜。我们同苏联在莫斯科举行了一次谈判，双方同意签署一份条约，禁止在大气层、外太空和水下进行核试验。这是人类历史上第一部将核武器至于国际监管之下的条约——1946年伯纳德·巴鲁克在递交给联合国的全面管控核武器计划中就提出的这一目标，如今终于完成。

That plan, and many subsequent disarmament plans, large and small, have all been blocked by those opposed to international inspection. A ban on nuclear tests, however, requires on-the-spot inspection only for underground tests. This Nation now possesses a variety of techniques to detect the nuclear tests of other nations which are conducted in the air or under water, for such tests produce unmistakable signs which our modern instruments can pick up.

这一方案，以及其他大小裁军计划，都遭到了大量反对，因为很多人不相信国际监管。但是只有地下核试验才需要进行现场监管。美国现在所拥有的多种技术，都可以检测到其他国家是否在大气层或水下进行了核试验，因为这种核试验会发出一种独一无二的波动，我们的仪器可以识别出来。

The treaty initialed yesterday, therefore, is a limited treaty which permits continued underground testing and prohibits only those tests that we ourselves can police. It requires no control posts, no onsite inspection, no international body.

我们昨天签署的条约，是部分禁止核试验条约，它不禁止地下核试验，只禁止我们能直接检测到的那种核试验。我们不需要设置任何监管机构，不需要现场监管，也无需任何国际组织介入。

We should also understand that it has other limits as well. Any nation which signs the treaty will have an opportunity to withdraw if it finds that extraordinary events related to the subject matter of the treaty have jeopardized its supreme interests; and no nation's right of self-defense will in any way be impaired. Nor does this treaty mean an end to the threat of nuclear war. It will not reduce nuclear stockpiles; it will not halt the production of nuclear weapons; it will not restrict their use in time of war.

但我们也要明白，这份条约存在局限性。任何缔约国只要认为这一份条约相关事件威胁了本国核心利益，都可以退出条约；任何国家的自卫权都会多少受到损害。这份条约不代表核战争的阴霾散去。它也不会削减核武器数量；它也不会禁止核武库继续扩大；它也不会限制各国在战时的核武器使用条例。

Nevertheless, this limited treaty will radically reduce the nuclear testing which would otherwise be conducted on both sides; it will prohibit the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and all others who sign it, from engaging in the atmospheric tests which have so alarmed mankind; and it offers to all the world a welcome sign of hope.

这一份条约虽然作用有限，但它无论如何都会大幅减少美苏双方的核试验频率；它禁止美国、英国、苏联等一切缔约国在大气层内进行令人心惊胆战的核试验；它为全世界人民带来了一丝和平的希望。

For this is not a unilateral moratorium, but a specific and solemn legal obligation. While it will not prevent this Nation from testing underground, or from being ready to conduct atmospheric tests if the acts of others so require, it gives us a concrete opportunity to extend its coverage to other nations and later to other forms of nuclear tests.

此举不是单方面的妥协，也是法律授予我们的庄严义务。这份条约不会禁止我们进行地下核试验，如果其他国家违反条约，我们也有权恢复大气层内核试验，而且我们还能以此条约为基础，让更多国家加入，覆盖其他形式的核试验。

This treaty is in part the product of Western patience and vigilance. We have made clear—most recently in Berlin and Cuba—our deep resolve to protect our security and our freedom against any form of aggression. We have also made clear our steadfast determination to limit the arms race. In three administrations, our soldiers and diplomats have worked together to this end, always supported by Great Britain. Prime Minister Macmillan joined with President Eisenhower in proposing a limited test ban in 1959, and again with me in 1961 and 1962.

这一份条约是西方世界耐心与智慧的结晶。我们近期——在柏林和古巴——展现了我们捍卫和平与自由的不屈决心。我们还证明了自己矢志不渝地寻求方法限制军备竞赛。三届美国政府任内，美国士兵和外交官都为实现这一目标而齐心协力，在此期间英国始终是我们的坚定伙伴。1959年，麦克米伦首相和艾森豪威尔总统一起提出部分禁止核试验条约，他又与我分别在1961年和1962年两次提出同样的条约。

But the achievement of this goal is not a victory for one side—it is a victory for mankind. It reflects no concessions either to or by the Soviet Union. It reflects simply our common recognition of the dangers in further testing.

但这份条约的达成，不单单是属于某一方的胜利——这是属于全人类的胜利。这并不意味着我们对苏联，或苏联对我们做出了妥协。这只是说明，我们双方都能意识到，继续核试验可能产生的威胁。

This treaty is not the millennium. It will not resolve all conflicts, or cause the Communists to forego their ambitions, or eliminate the dangers of war. It will not reduce our need for arms or allies or programs of assistance to others. But it is an important first step—a step towards peace—a step towards reason—a step away from war.

这一条约并不具备跨时代意义。也不可能解决所有的冲突，也不会让共产阵营放弃他们的野心，也不会消除战争爆发的可能。这一条约不会减少我们的军备负担，对盟国的义务，以及我们的海外援助负担。但它是我们迈向和平的第一步——迈向理性的一步——远离战争的一步。

Here is what this step can mean to you and to your children and your neighbors:

这一步对大家，对大家的孩子，对大家的邻里意味着什么，请听我说明：

First, this treaty can be a step towards reduced world tension and broader areas of agreement. The Moscow talks have reached no agreement on any other subject, nor is this treaty conditioned on any other matter. Under Secretary Harriman made it clear that any nonaggression arrangements across the division in Europe would require full consultation with our allies and full attention to their interests. He also made clear our strong preference for a more comprehensive treaty banning all tests everywhere, and our ultimate hope for general and complete disarmament. The Soviet Government, however, is still unwilling to accept the inspection such goals require.

首先，这一份条约缓解了世界紧张局势，增进双方达成进一步共识的可能。莫斯科会议在其他事务上都没能达成共识，这一份条约也不会限制其他事务。哈里曼副国务卿已经解释过，想在欧洲事务上解决任何分歧，达成任何和平共识，美国都需要同美国进行全面协商，兼顾到他们的利益。他也说明了，美国非常希望缔结一份全面禁止核试验条约，我们的最终目标是，世界彻底销毁军备。但苏联政府不愿接受这一方案的监管条款。

No one can predict with certainty, therefore, what further agreements, if any, can be built on the foundations of this one. They could include controls on preparations for surprise attack, or on numbers and type of armaments. There could be further limitations on the spread of nuclear weapons. The important point is that efforts to seek new agreements will go forward.

所以由于这一点，我们并不知道未来能达成什么样的条约，或者能不能达成条约。包括预防突然袭击，限制特定种类的军备。我们可以就进一步防止核扩散。问题在于，我们要努力达成进一步共识。

But the difficulty of predicting the next step is no reason to be reluctant about this step. Nuclear test ban negotiations have long been a symbol of East-West disagreement. If this treaty can also be a symbol—if it can symbolize the end of one era and the beginning of another—if both sides can by this treaty gain confidence and experience in peaceful collaboration—then this short and simple treaty may well become an historic mark in man's age-old pursuit of peace.

但预测不出未来，并不代表我们当下就应该无所事事。长久以来，禁止核试验谈判都是东西方分歧的焦点所在。如果我们可以用这一条约——结束往日的分歧，开启新的纪元——如果双方都可以由此相信，我们可以和平合作，以此为基础更上一层楼——那么这一份简简单单的条约将成为人类历史上的一大里程碑——人类自古以来追求和平的里程碑。

Western policies have long been designed to persuade the Soviet Union to renounce aggression, direct or indirect, so that their people and all people may live and let live in peace. The unlimited testing of new weapons of war cannot lead towards that end—but this treaty, if it can be followed by further progress, can clearly move in that direction.

长期以来，西方世界的政策，都是为说服苏联放弃直接和间接侵略，让苏联人民和世界人民一起和谐共存。要实现这一目标，靠的不是毫无限制地测试新型武器，而是这一份条约，如果我们能更上一层楼，那么距离实现该目标就又近了一步。

I do not say that a world without aggression or threats of war would be an easy world. It will bring new problems, new challenges from the Communists, new dangers of relaxing our vigilance or of mistaking their intent.

我并不是说，世界上只要没有了侵略战争和军事威胁，就万事大吉了。如果我们放松警惕，未能发现共产阵营的真正意图，我们还会新的难题，新的挑战，新的危机。

But those dangers pale in comparison to those of the spiraling arms race and a collision course towards war. Since the beginning of history, war has been mankind's constant companion. It has been the rule, not the exception. Even a nation as young and as peace-loving as our own has fought through eight wars. And three times in the last two years and a half I have been required to report to you as President that this Nation and the Soviet Union stood on the verge of direct military confrontation—in Laos, in Berlin, and in Cuba.

但如果我们向那些大搞军备竞赛、尚武好斗的人妥协，危机只会更加严重。自人类诞生以来，战争就没有消失过。战争已经不再是偶然事件，而成为了人类生活的一部分。哪怕是美国这种历史不长且爱好和平的国家，也经历了八场战争。过去两年半里，我已经三次向大家汇报，美国和苏联极有可能爆发直接军事冲突——这三次分别是老挝、柏林和古巴。

A war today or tomorrow, if it led to nuclear war, would not be like any war in history. A full-scale nuclear exchange, lasting less than 60 minutes, with the weapons now in existence, could wipe out more than 300 million Americans, Europeans, and Russians, as well as untold numbers elsewhere. And the survivors, as Chairman Khrushchev warned the Communist Chinese, "the survivors would envy the dead." For they would inherit a world so devastated by explosions and poison and fire that today we cannot even conceive of its horrors. So let us try to turn the world away from war. Let us make the most of this opportunity, and every opportunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the perilous nuclear arms race, and to check the world's slide toward final annihilation.

无论是今天还是未来，核战争一旦爆发，那都是人类历史空前惨烈的景象。如果核战争爆发，凭借人类现在的武器，3亿多美国人、欧洲人、苏联人会在60分钟内丧命，其他地区的死亡人数更是多到难以统计。就算能活过核战争，幸存者也会像赫鲁晓夫警告赤色中国时所说的那样，“幸存者只会嫉妒死去的人”。因为届时他们的世界只会满目疮痍，遍地烈火，惨绝人寰之景令我们难以想象。所以我们才要尽可能让世界免于这种结局。我们要不放过任何能缓解局势的机会，缓解愈演愈烈的核军备竞赛，阻止世界走向彻底毁灭。

Second, this treaty can be a step towards freeing the world from the fears and dangers of radioactive fallout. Our own atmospheric tests last year were conducted under conditions which restricted such fallout to an absolute minimum. But over the years the number and the yield of weapons tested have rapidly increased and so have the radioactive hazards from such testing. Continued unrestricted testing by the nuclear powers, joined in time by other nations which may be less adept in limiting pollution, will increasingly contaminate the air that all of us must breathe.

第二，这一条约有助于帮助世人摆脱对核辐射的恐惧。我们去年在大气层内的核试验都有严格指标，尽可能将核辐射的危害降至最低。但是近年来，核试验的数量激增，核辐射的危害性也与之俱增。如果当前的几个核大国继续这种毫无节制的核试验，未来可能还会有其他国家加入这场核竞赛，而且他们控制核污染的技术只会更差，这样的话，我们所有人呼吸的空气都会不断遭到污染。

Even then, the number of children and grandchildren with cancer in their bones, with leukemia in their blood, or with poison in their lungs might seem statistically small to some, in comparison with natural health hazards. But this is not a natural health hazard—and it is not a statistical issue. The loss of even one human life, or the malformation of even one baby—who may be born long after we are gone—should be of concern to us all. Our children and grandchildren are not merely statistics toward which we can be indifferent.

到时候，我们的子孙后代会患上癌症，会得白血病，会得肺病，人类的数量会越来越少，然后在某一场自然灾害中死亡殆尽。但这样的话，毁灭人类的罪魁祸首并非自然——这也不是一个单纯的数字问题。全人类都应该关注这些问题——尽可能防止未来出现这种悲剧，哪怕一个人丧命，哪怕一个婴儿畸形，我们都要竭力避免。我们的子孙后代可不仅是数字，我们绝不能漠视他们的未来。

Nor does this affect the nuclear powers alone. These tests befoul the air of all men and all nations, the committed and the uncommitted alike, without their knowledge and without their consent. That is why the continuation of atmospheric testing causes so many countries to regard all nuclear powers as equally evil; and we can hope that its prevention will enable those countries to see the world more clearly, while enabling all the world to breathe more easily.

这也并非核大国自己需要关注的事务。核试验造成的污染，危害的是全人类，全世界所有国家，无论你们是否加入，无论你们承不承认，同不同意，都难逃厄运。正是因为大气层内核试验持续不断，世界各国认为所有核大国都是罪人；我们希望限制核试验，这样人类不仅能呼吸更加清新的空气，还更能看清我们的为人。

Third, this treaty can be a step toward preventing the spread of nuclear weapons to nations not now possessing them. During the next several years, in addition to the four current nuclear powers, a small but significant number of nations will have the intellectual, physical, and financial resources to produce both nuclear weapons and the means of delivering them. In time, it is estimated, many other nations will have either this capacity or other ways of obtaining nuclear warheads, even as missiles can be commercially purchased today.

第三，这一份条约有助于防止核武器进一步扩散。未来几年，除目前的四个拥核国家外，还会有极个别国家掌握制造并发射核武器的技术、资源和经济，虽然数量不多，但同样需要警惕。而且未来，就算制造不出核武器的国家，也可能以其他途径获得核弹头，比如贸易，未来核弹头可能如今天的导弹一样可以购买到。

I ask you to stop and think for a moment what it would mean to have nuclear weapons in so many hands, in the hands of countries large and small, stable and unstable, responsible and irresponsible, scattered throughout the world. There would be no rest for anyone then, no stability, no real security, and no chance of effective disarmament. There would only be the increased chance of accidental war, and an increased necessity for the great powers to involve themselves in what otherwise would be local conflicts.

请大家设想一下，如果全世界大小国家、稳定或混乱的国家、负责任或不负责任的国家都掌握了核武器，那么世界会是什么样子。那么全世界都将坐立难安，没有真正的稳定和安全可言，也绝无可能实现行而有效的裁军。意外爆发战争的几率会直线上升，几个核大国不得不介入调解其他国家的地区冲突。

If only one thermonuclear bomb were to be dropped on any American, Russian, or any other city, whether it was launched by accident or design, by a madman or by an enemy, by a large nation or by a small, from any corner of the world, that one bomb could release more destructive power on the inhabitants of that one helpless city than all the bombs dropped in the Second World War.

只要有一枚热核武器击中了任何一座美国城市、苏联城市或其他城市，无论是有意还是无意，无论是一时失控还是蓄谋已久，无论袭击者是大国还是效果，无论是从世界哪个地区发射，其破坏力都远超二战所有炸弹的总和，遭袭击城市的居民只能在绝望中死去。

Neither the United States nor the Soviet Union nor the United Kingdom nor France can look forward to that day with equanimity. We have a great obligation, all four nuclear powers have a great obligation, to use whatever time remains to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, to persuade other countries not to test, transfer, acquire, possess, or produce such weapons.

美国也好，苏联也好，亦或是英法，都保持镇静，绝不希望看到那一天的到来。我们四个核大国负有庄严的义务，要竭尽所能地防止核武器扩散，说服其他国家不要进行核试验，不要交易、购买、持有或制造核武器。

This treaty can be the opening wedge in that campaign. It provides that none of the parties will assist other nations to test in the forbidden environments. It opens the door for further agreements on the control of nuclear weapons, and it is open for all nations to sign, for it is in the interest of all nations, and already we have heard from a number of countries who wish to join with us promptly.

这份条约为此开了个好头。条约规定，任何缔约方不得协助他国在条约所禁止的区域进行核试验。条约能让各国以此为基础，实施更多管控核武器的措施，条约欢迎全世界所有国家加入，毕竟禁止核试验关乎全人类的利益，而且据说，已经有一大批国家迫不及待的想要签署该条约了。

Fourth and finally, this treaty can limit the nuclear arms race in ways which, on balance, will strengthen our Nation's security far more than the continuation of unrestricted testing. For in today's world, a nation's security does not always increase as its arms increase, when its adversary is doing the same, and unlimited competition in the testing and development of new types of destructive nuclear weapons will not make the world safer for either side. Under this limited treaty, on the other hand, the testing of other nations could never be sufficient to offset the ability of our strategic forces to deter or survive a nuclear attack and to penetrate and destroy an aggressor's homeland.

第四，也是最后一点，条约可以限制核军备竞赛，总体上来说，这比继续无限制的核试验更有利于巩固我国国防安全。今天的世界，一国安全所依靠的早已不是自己的军备规模，因为我们的敌国也同样会扩军，像这样不停地实验、开发新型核武器，不利于两国任何一方的安全。而有了这份条约，其他国家的核试验再也不会削弱我们的战略核威慑与核生存能力，以及我们摧毁敌国的核打击能力。

We have, and under this treaty we will continue to have, the nuclear strength that we need. It is true that the Soviets have tested nuclear weapons of a yield higher than that which we thought to be necessary, but the hundred megaton bomb of which they spoke 2 years ago does not and will not change the balance of strategic power. The United States has chosen, deliberately, to concentrate on more mobile and more efficient weapons, with lower but entirely sufficient yield, and our security is, therefore, not impaired by the treaty I am discussing.

有了这份条约，我们就能将核力量维持在所需范围内。我们认为，苏联的核试验就远超必要次数，他们两年前就吹嘘自己有成百上千枚百万吨级的核弹，但是这些武器都并未能改变战略力量平衡。美国则特意将注意力放在了武器的机动性和性价比上，虽然数量不如苏联多，但是绝对够用，所以这份条约并不会危害到我国安全。

It is also true, as Mr. Khrushchev would agree, that nations cannot afford in these matters to rely simply on the good faith of their adversaries. We have not, therefore, overlooked the risk of secret violations. There is at present a possibility that deep in outer space, that hundreds and thousands and millions of miles away from the earth illegal tests might go undetected. But we already have the capability to construct a system of observation that would make such tests almost impossible to conceal, and we can decide at any time whether such a system is needed in the light of the limited risk to us and the limited reward to others of violations attempted at that range. For any tests which might be conducted so far out in space, which cannot be conducted more easily and efficiently and legally underground, would necessarily be of such a magnitude that they would be extremely difficult to conceal. We can also employ new devices to check on the testing of smaller weapons in the lower atmosphere. Any violations, moreover, involves, along with the risk of detection, the end of the treaty and the worldwide consequences for the violator.

但正如赫鲁晓夫先生所说的那样，在核武器事务上，我们不能一切希望都寄托于对方良心发现上。所以我们不能排除部分缔约国会秘密违反条约。现在我们没有检测外太空核试验的有效设备，所以部分国家就可能在万里之外的外太空进行秘密核试验。但我们有能力建设一套观测体系，几乎让外太空核试验无处遁形，我们会根据他国是否违反条约，这会给他们带来何种优势，给我们造成何种危害来决定是否建设这么一套系统。因为目前来看，凡是能在太空进行的核试验，都能在地下进行，不仅难度更低，效率更高，而且也不违反条约，除非其测试的核武器威力过大，而这种当量的核试验几乎不可能藏得住。我们也可以开发一套新设备，防止其他国家在低大气层进行小当量核试验。而且任何国家违反条约国家，都必须考虑到违约的奉献，这会相当于直接撕毁条约，必然遭到全世界的口诛笔伐。

Secret violations are possible and secret preparations for a sudden withdrawal are possible, and thus our own vigilance and strength must be maintained, as we remain ready to withdraw and to resume all forms of testing, if we must. But it would be a mistake to assume that this treaty will be quickly broken. The gains of illegal testing are obviously slight compared to their cost, and the hazard of discovery, and the nations which have initialed and will sign this treaty prefer it, in my judgment, to unrestricted testing as a matter of their own self-interests for these nations, too, and all nations, have a stake in limiting the arms race, in holding the spread of nuclear weapons, and in breathing air that is not radioactive. While it may be theoretically possible to demonstrate the risks inherent in any treaty, and such risks in this treaty are small, the far greater risks to our security are the risks of unrestricted testing, the risk of a nuclear arms race, the risk of new nuclear powers, nuclear pollution, and nuclear war.

但我们仍不排除秘密核试验和秘密备战的可能性，所以我们仍要保持警惕，不要自废武功，如果不得已的话，我们也要做好随时放弃条约，恢复核试验的准备。但是各国在短期内都不会废除这一份条约。因为相较于其成本、舆论代价，违约核试验所取得的那么点收获显得微不足道，而且我认为，条约的发起国和潜在缔约国都认为毫无限制的核试验会危害自身利益，限制军备竞赛、阻止核扩散、呼吸清新的空气符合全体国家的利益。虽然从理论上来说，任何条约的签署都有一定的风险，但是这一份条约的风险已经相对较小，何况要是不限制核试验，不限制核军备竞赛，让更多国家拥有核武器，核污染继续、核战争的发生概率上升，那么我们面临的风险要比签个条约要多得多。

This limited test ban, in our most careful judgment, is safer by far for the United States than an unlimited nuclear arms race. For all these reasons, I am hopeful that this Nation will promptly approve the limited test ban treaty. There will, of course, be debate in the country and in the Senate. The Constitution wisely requires the advice and consent of the Senate to all treaties, and that consultation has already begun. All this is as it should be. A document which may mark an historic and constructive opportunity for the world deserves an historic and constructive debate.

经过我们缜密分析，对于美国来说，这份部分限制核试验条约要比继续核军备竞赛要安全得多。因此，我希望国会能尽快批准部分限制核试验条约。当然，这份条约会在国内和参议院引起一些争议。宪法要求，参议院必须对任何条约提出明智的建议，任何条约都需要得到参议院批准，这一工作正在执行。一切都在按照程序进行。这份条约对世界来说，具备跨时代的积极意义，当然也需要一场跨时代的积极辩论来作定夺。

It is my hope that all of you will take part in that debate, for this treaty is for all of us. It is particularly for our children and our grandchildren, and they have no lobby here in Washington. This debate will involve military, scientific, and political experts, but it must be not left to them alone. The right and the responsibility are yours.

我希望大家都多多发言，毕竟这份条约关乎我们所有人。尤其是我们的子孙后代，他们在华盛顿暂时还没有代表。这一讨论确实需要军事家、科学家和政治家参与，但是不能只有他们。这也是你们人民的权利和义务。

If we are to open new doorways to peace, if we are to seize this rare opportunity for progress, if we are to be as bold and farsighted in our control of weapons as we have been in their invention, then let us now show all the world on this side of the wall and the other that a strong America also stands for peace. There is no cause for complacency.

如果我们想要为和平开辟新道路，如果我们想抓住这千载难逢的前进机遇，如果我们想拥有足够的勇气和长远的目光来控制这些武器，正如我们发明它们时那样，那么我们就要向铁幕前后的所有人民证明，美国有能力奋起直追和平。我们绝不能骄傲自满。

We have learned in times past that the spirit of one moment or place can be gone in the next. We have been disappointed more than once, and we have no illusions now that there are shortcuts on the road to peace. At many points around the globe the Communists are continuing their efforts to exploit weakness and poverty. Their concentration of nuclear and conventional arms must still be deterred.

历史已经教会我们，绝不能逞一时之快。事与愿违的情况已经不止一次发生，我们现在也不能心存幻想，要明白探求和平的道路上依然遍布荆棘。共产阵营仍在全世界利用他国的软弱和贫穷，来推动自己的事业。他们依然热衷于发展核军备和常规军备，我们必须震慑住他们。

The familiar contest between choice and coercion, the familiar places of danger and conflict, are all still there, in Cuba, in Southeast Asia, in Berlin, and all around the globe, still requiring all the strength and the vigilance that we can muster. Nothing could more greatly damage our cause than if we and our allies were to believe that peace has already been achieved, and that our strength and unity were no longer required.

还是老生常谈的问题，选择还是强迫，还是我们所耳熟能详的名字，古巴、东南亚、柏林等等地方依然遍布着危机，我们需要全身心投入进去，才能取得成功。如果我们和盟国就这么天真地相信，和平已经实现了，我们不需要再团结一致了，那么我们的事业才会面临前所未有的威胁。

But now, for the first time in many years, the path of peace may be open. No one can be certain what the future will bring. No one can say whether the time has come for an easing of the struggle. But history and our own conscience will judge us harsher if we do not now make every effort to test our hopes by action, and this is the place to begin. According to the ancient Chinese proverb, "A journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step."

但现在，历经了多年苦难，和平的大门终于首次敞开。无人可预知未来如何。无人敢说这场东西对抗能不能缓和。但如果我们不去全力以赴，以实践检验我们愿景的可能性，历史和我们的良知在审判我们时，必然不会给予我们多好的评价，所以让我们现在迈出第一步。正如中国一句古话所说，“千里之行，始于足下”。

My fellow Americans, let us take that first step. Let us, if we can, step back from the shadows of war and seek out the way of peace. And if that journey is a thousand miles, or even more, let history record that we, in this land, at this time, took the first step.

我的美国同胞们，让我们迈出第一步。如果可以的话，让我们离开战争的阴影，走向探求和平的道路。哪怕这条道路是千里之行，甚至万里之行，那就让历史写下，是我们这一代人在这个地方，迈出第一步。

Thank you and good night.

谢谢大家，晚安。

声明：本人仅按照原文翻译内容，演讲内容不代表本人观点。此专栏仅供历史和英语交流学习使用，任何读者皆可引用本人的译本。

希望来学习英语的观众明白：我觉得这些专栏的主要精华在于英语原文，而并非我的译本，我的译本很大程度上只是供来学习历史的观众使用的。本人的英语水平一般，翻译得并不会多么精彩，只能在你看不懂时来帮助你了解这些演讲内容最基本的意思，而且翻译时难免会出现差错，切勿直接完全以我的译本为标准。如发现有翻译错误或者歧义内容，欢迎指正。

希望来学习历史的观众明白：任何历史人物都有一定的局限性，随着时代发展，很多观点看法可能已经不再适用今天的世界，西方的观点也不一定适用于我们。通过了解这些演讲，仅可给我们提供一个更全面了解过去和世界的渠道。我们可以从优秀的历史、当代人物身上学到很多，但是请保持独立思考，理性看待演讲内容，切勿全信或将其奉为真理。